Clarifications, comments, etc., by the translator/s are enclosed in [square] brackets.
America – so Hegel predicted at the beginning of the 19th century – would turn against Europe as soon as its continental land-acquisition came to an end and the open western border found its natural conclusion at the Pacific Ocean. Hegel’s prediction ((“America is. . .the Land of the Future, in which world-historical importance shall reveal itself in the times ahead of us, perhaps in the quarrels of North and South America; it is a land of yearning for all those who are bored by the historic armories of Old Europe,” writes Hegel in his lectures concerning the philosophy of History (Werke 12, ed. Moldenhauer/Michel, p. 114); in his Äesthetik [Aesthetics] (ed. Bassenge, Vol. 2, p. 423), Hegel speculates about a possible epic of the future, which could tell of the victory of some future day’s vivid American rationality and America’s triumph over Europe. For in Europe, “every people is now restricted by another and isn’t permitted to start a war with another European nation on its own; if one wants to get beyond [conditions] in Europe now, it can only be to America.”)) has been fulfilled. Today, Europe is Americanized, after it was defended in two world wars only by Germany and its allies – in vain, because England and France, the colonial powers on the western rim of our part of the globe, whose interests were directed outside of Europe, debased themselves by becoming bridgeheads of America.
To destroy the state adminstration and bring the Mafia to power again directly following the landing on Sicily — that was America’s opening move in the conquest of Europe. The enforcement of a second imposed political system, therefore the restoration of the party system in its liberal and Bolshevist variants, was the next step in the replacement of European statehood by class-rule, by (to begin with) social classes with which one could still identify, followed by the political class, and finally the class of the rabble, the organized criminals, came into power. Nearly everywhere in Europe the symptoms of government criminality are increasing, power apparently lies in the hands of a coalition from the political and the criminal class. But such relationships are profoundly American.
Political thinking at the close of the 20th century is in the process of a revolutionary change from the Utopia to the Topos [The word utopia comes from the Greek: ou (not, no) and topos (place). Thus utopia is a non-existing place and a topos is an actual, physical place. The NWO is an attempt to convert utopian schemes into reality.] From out of Nowhere, we are coming home to the Commonplace. Nowhere is the Everywhere of the nomadic seizers of World power, the ubi bene ibi patria [loosely: wherever things go well for me, that's my country] of those third-worlders who, under the banner of human rights, want to reap the harvest of every economically efficient, civilised nation for themselves.
The Nowhere is everywhere; as a political power, it wants to be everywhere and to rule everywhere: It is Global-interventionist and Global-imperialist. This power is utopian power par excellence, which unfurls the power of the Utopia. The a power-Utopia is the power of Entortung [Probably the closest English word for this is "dislocation," butthere is no one-word English equivalent to this word, which means so much more: the removal of uniqueness-of-place, the emasculating of the natural attributes of a place, its architecture, people, its spirit, etc.; think of a MacDonald's and its garish, plastic colors and imagine its carrying on business under the Rose Window of a great cathedral.], which assembles at occasional headquarter locations. The present headquarters of nomadic World-rule is America. Dominant in its economy is not productive Capital (as means of the commercial undertaking), but rapacious, grazing-to-the-point-of-desertification capital (the capitalism of the speculator).
The conception of Capital as an object is extra-historical and is extractive-nomadic; it is American-Jewish. The conception of Capital as a means to another end, is technical-historical and settlement-producing; it is deutsch-Germanic. As a military power, nomadic Utopianism is a sea- and air-hopper, a Desert Storm, a forest-defoliator and field-poisoner, its tactic is the raid-assault. The topic, firmly grounded military power, however, is based upon the Army.
Sea powers like America are never firmly grounded; they swim. Thus there can be several world-dominating land powers living in proximty, but there is always just one World sea power. The land gives measuredness, gravity, the sea seduces to extravagance, recklessness. Every sea power bears within itself the utopian nature of the ocean. Moreover, these powers are inclined to parasitic marine nomadism, the way of life of a ship, which sooner or later runs aground or gets sunk — in which the utopian power finds its ordained territory: the bottom of the sea.
Sea powers are imperialistic. They build profane empires, because the Sea recognizes no sanctuary, and is neither planked over by beams nor bears the weight of pillars. There is no sacred grove or holy mountain to be found in this Element, and neither order nor justice can take root in water. The fluid Element, when it does not seep away into the soil, instead gathers itself into the monstrous enormity of the Sea; no confidence placed in it is justified; on the contrary, constant distrust in awareness of the omnipresence of peril is called for. Man is permitted to trust the Sea as little as he trusts the Sea Power.
The Sea engenders no faith, but rather — apart from piratical cruelty — it creates sanctimoniousness and hypocrisy. In the Anglo-American case, it is overarched by the Calvinist-Puritanistic utopianism of the holiness of material success, in other words by the delusion that eternal grace is obtainable on the worldly plane by: material success gained through social interaction — i.e. that generates material success. England’s disappearance as a World and Sea Power can, with certain qualifications, be taken as a paradigm for the decline of the United States of America.
America is a completely extraordinary utopian power, whose projections of power are not exhausted in those of a classic sea power; America does not limit itself to war, trade and piracy, nor to Global strategy and oceanic megalomania, which regards the coasts of foreign continents as beachheads to be militarily occupied. It is in Star Wars, in the cosmic Utopianism of the navigation of outer space, that America finds the full expression of its nature.
There are several reasons why America became what it is. Above all else, it is the New Worldand therefore the refuse from the Old World. America is the refuse from Europe, transplanted with nomads. It is an amalgum of populations, drawn from philistines and expellees from Paradise, from uprooted Europeans of the lower classes and from Eastern European Jews. But because the largest immigrant group of the United States of America is not the English but the German (28%), the ascent of the utopian power of the New World is a German debt to History, which is not paid off by two lost world wars and a victorious post-war period, but [is to be paid off by] the Europeanization of America.
Europe must now dis-Americanize itself, restore its history-making capability and break the power of Utopia by eliminating the utopian Power. The USA can be surmounted by means of the localizing of its inhabitants in nationally homogeneous areas of settlement, in which the inhabitants establish themselves anew according to language and moral customs and are able to renew special relations with their European mother-folk.
Therefore, in North America, there should be not only a French Quebec and an English New England, but above all a German-America as the largest of the new folk-states, just as there should be significant new-Scandinavian regions. With great probability, already on the basis of the pressure from non-European segments of the population, the re-Europeanized national states of North America will want to be integrated into the World order of the Europe of the [various] peoples.
If Germany does not force this path of development of European-national states for America, the USA will continue to push through the American way in Europe and the rest of the World; then, in American fashion and together with Europe, will come to an end: either in a bloody race-war, occurring simultaneously on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, or in a stagnated society of the [East] Indian type, in which opposing racial and class factors have become petrified into a caste system. The Deconstruction of America, together with its reconstruction, is not only an issue of existence or non-existence for Germany and the Europe of various peoples, not only a general decision between chaos and order in the World and in Space accessible from Earth, but also the fork in the road, with the choice between ossification and development.
The composition of American ideology is a devilish mixture of Puritanism, Old Testament ethos, New World-ness, social absolutism, wild-West mythos — as well as missionary fervorcoming from a feeling of inferiority (as in the case with the Polonism and the Pan-Slavism of the Russians and the Serbs). The ideology of Americanism is still a few degrees sharper in its acidity than Pan-Slavism, because Americanism absorbed, through puritan Biblicism, the ideology of Chosenness that is so contemptuous of humanity.
The Pilgirm Fathers were, when they emigrated to America, bearers of an extreme form of the Calvinist Reform which had foundered on the rock of European religious taste. Calvinism was, for its part, a failed attempt at reform of the Catholic faith, which had gone astray by its absolutisation of society.
Puritanism is a Jewish fundamentalism constructed by Englishmen, which finally had to slip from the control of merely ideological Jews, the merchant and Capital nomads of the WASP type, and fall into the hands of real Jews. Now, as the bad beginning of a good ending of the utopian World Power, the Israeli tail wags the American dog, the apocolyptic Desert Storm of Yahweh compels by nuclear arms the paying of tribute by the peoples of all cultures around the Globe. This form of nomadic money-making is, however, very unstable; it will soon fail, for the threat of nuclear power from the State is encumbered with much more risk than is the anticipatable private nuclear terrorism.
If the treaty for the non-proliferation of atomic weapons goes aground on the shoals of the black market, then the chief weapon of foreign policy against the resurrection of the German Reich [This word means: kingdom, realm, empire, etc. but there's an underlying connotation of ethnic nation-state as well.] will become blunted. The reduction in cost and spread of tactical and guerilla-tactical atomic weapons for small powers whose existence is threatened, but especially their popularization with the liberation movements of stateless peoples, whom American Totalitarianism treats as non-peoples, will end the World political blockade against Germany, because it will be essential as an atomic power and for the control of atomic powers. Indiscriminate disposal of atomic weapons and NBC/CBR weapons [We call these CBR weapons -- chemical, biological and radiological.] as the universal status symbol of sovereign peoples, will make the powers which are technically highly-developed and capable of discipline, indispensable for the safeguarding of order in this condition of free peoples. The Axis-Powers of Germany-Japan will at least be the leading technical powers of a World in which the principle of one-folk-one-state is enforced with all technically-armed liberties, together with the dangers which arise from these freedoms, dangers which are to be settled only by international right.
Catholic dogma had made the Bible and particularly the Old Testament virtually forgotten; to have accomplished a Europeanization of Christianity, this Eastern variant of religion — that was, in the history of the intellect, the indisputable meritorious service of the Catholic Church. With the translation of the Bible by the Protestant reformers into the European common tongues, the barbarism and the megalomania of the Semitic orginal intruded into the religious consciousness of the Europeans.
Now where the Germanic Reform of the Catholic Church — in contrast to Luther’s — failed, as in the Western European variants of Reform: Anglicanism, Puritanism, and Calvinism, there a mutilated Catholicism remained, which replaced the sacredness of works with the sacredness of success and which propelled forward dissolution of community, social atomization, and finally the Unholy Empire, sanctimonious imperialism and global interventionism.
In the Western attempts at Reform of the Calvinist type, the factor of social adeptness in the community was made absolute and the social success or failure of the individual taken as proof of his eternal salvation or his eternal damnation. The forceful establishment of this view of the World in its religious, World-political, and social- political forms, cleared the way for the transformation of the World into a refuse heap. By means of Capitalism and Democracy, all traditional arrangements are destroyed, the various peoples are converted into the refuse pile of the World Populatiom and the folk-economies into the trash heap of the management of World resources.
Capitalism and Democracy have an uncurbed destructive power if they are not limited by thought patterns which are essentially foreign to them and are able to display their atomistic-quantitative peculiarity undisturbed. This atomistic World-view is concentrated totally upon the units of currency, by which Capital funds and its winnings , and upon the number of votes, by which democratic potential for rulership and its increase in power, are measured. Democracy and Capital have this atomistic quantity-oriented thinking in common; it ends in te destruction of all goods and all peoples through their transformation into units of currency and into voters. The unification of currency for all World capital funds and the universal right of suffrage for all citizens of the World populatiom are the logical end-stage of the capitalistic-democratic way of thinking. In its estimation, a democracy is all the more legitimate, the greater the number of voters, and that is why democracy does not mean the control of a people over itself, but the destruction of all genuine peoples, who are then viewed as but a minority (as, perhaps, the Boers are seen today) whose rule over themselves is not permitted and must be sanctioned.
In America this terrible New World has become a reality. As a rule, terror without end is followed by an end with terror. The USA has yet to face this greatest terror. The moral and economic decline will continue so long as they try to get out of the way of the greatest Terror; race-war as civil war. The right point in time for the cantonization of the USA is apparently already past.
The best outcome for the USA would be its Europeanization, the decomposition of the totalitarian society of uniformity of the liberal-individual type into sovereign folk-states, i.e., into real nations according to the principle of one-folk-one-state. The worst end of the USA would be the race-war, which, in all probability, would fuse together new peoples defined in natural-racial terms and would bring no historical-cultural connection to the mother-folk. Today we are experiencing a bad beginning of the end of the USA, : democratic Capitalism seems to be triumphing World-wide.
At the same time, for a few years American and Canadian thinkers have been attempting a spiritual self-healing of their half-continent. They have rallied under the slogan of Communitarianism, thus to the standard of community-ness, of the communal community. They refer to the spirit of community of those early communes of the pioneers from the time of the taking of the land.
The Canadian Charles Taylor criticizes the deficiency in representation in the Liberal Democracy and postulates, in conjuction with Herder, Humboldt and Hamann, the primacy of the metaphorical in Community, which he understands as human community-formation finding its linguistic expression. Philosophically, he turns against Falisificationism, as against the materialistic Sender-Receiver model of language; for him, language is joint self-finding of a community, a continuous finding-to-language. He sees the real relation language has to reality as being guaranteed by human activity. This is correct to the extent that the production of language, just like the production of human beings and the production of a people, follows a logic of procreation, which is always a logic of community, from which is derived the production-logic of material goods.
Other names in the Communitarian debate are: Alistair MacIntyre, William Sullivan, Michael Sandel, Robert Bellah and Michael Walzer. It is their common conviction that the essence of the unsolved questions of the present, in nations of the Western stamp, can only be gotten in perspective by means of a return to an awareness of the concept of community. The present they affirm to be a period of accelerated individual isolation, which is increasingly destructive in its consequences and weakens and corrupts American institutions. “The Americans,” write Bellah (et al.), have driven the logic of profits pretty much to extremes. It has every appearance not only of leading to failure on the highest levels. . .but also to personal and family breakdown in the life of our citizens. The time is ripe for a new paradigm, whose fundamental model aims at culturization and not at profit.” It depends, they say, upon the winning back of sense and purpose in the common life of Americans. “What has been dismissed for a long period of time as Idealism, seems today to be the one single possible Realism. . .” (FR 28.1.92).
In the ideas of Hegel this means that the Americans, in their present individualistic Constitution, persist in the developmental stage of abstract justice and morality, while the high plane of Sittlichkeit [This is usually translated as morality, but has connotations of customs and traditions which have the force of moral practice] remains unreachable for them. At the level of morality, justice is internalized and in that respect is no longer abstract but instead surrendered to the wild desires of that inwardness. It is first in the Family that these desires are moral, because the individual is elevated in this community founded upon love, here he can happily live out his individual drives as well as subordinate them to a moral purpose, the communal goal of family welfare. That there is no family in America in this European sense, but rather merely private social contracts, is demonstrated by the fact that an American farmer pays wages to the son who helps him out; as soon as contractual relationships between married people or parents and children enter the picture, marriage has truly become divorce and the family dissolved.
American Liberalism, as William Sullivan explains in his book Reconstructing Public Philosophy (Berkely 1982), thinks of the individual as being driven by his passions, in fear of disaster and as striving after comfort, so that all human relationships of his personality remain external, right in the abstract, and thus not moral. Thereby, the relationships of community (which Sullivan calls Values) are disintegrated and converted into pure relationships of power. Corresponding to this, as Sullivan has it, is a concept of knowledge as the dissolution of complex totalities into simple elements, on which account Liberalism is strongly bound to the modern belief in Science as a power of analysis and recombination to points of control. In this social application, reason has become instrumental, a means for the satisfaction of individual desires, and politics has degenerated into a struggle for power. But because reason is not a concept of means, but a concept of goal, and politics is not a concept of power, but rather a concept of justice/law/right, what follows from Sullivan’s analysis is the irrationality as well as the incapacity of Liberalism in general, and American Liberalism in particular.
Sullivan resumes: “The whole liberal construction of an analytic science, an individualistic motivation, and an instrumental, utilitarian politics, which has seemed a complete and objectively secured — almost self-evident — view of human affairs, is now at sea.” (p. 28) — America swims, is “at sea”, i.e., fundamentally confused. The dynamics of the process of corruption, according to Sullivan, is in the direction of the disintegration of all social ties and, in the extreme case, reverts back to the natural condition of the struggle of all against all; “the near desperation of the proponents of philosophic liberalism is understandable” (p. 58). According to Sullivan, the predominance of the liberal ideology in public debate worsens the problem: The market-centered society of competition and the sacredness of success has undermined the liberal achievement of security of the individual and of universal welfare, and indeed through no means but by liberalism itself. Sullivan believes, on the other hand, that the individual and the citizen can only be thought of together with the commonwealth, the community and that a communal human life without the stabilizing effects of a vital community and without religious forms of living cannot succeed.
In the theories of the North American Communitarians, the probable religious fracture-points already show themselves in the forseeable fall of the USA. The main distinctions can be made out between classical-Aristotelian, Catholic-Aristotelian, German-Idealistic, and Modern-Judaic directions of thought. All non-Judaic thinkers are critics of Modernism; the American Jew Michael Walzer, on the other hand, is enlisted on the side of socialtotalitarianism, the ideology of the immigrant and the cult of Modernism in the Communitarian debate. He believes that the political ideas of the Modernists are derived from the current of tradition which can be traced back to the origins of the Jewish religion, and his belief is completely correct. The modern ideas of freedom (he believes) are nothing other than an interpretive sequel of the Exodus story of the Hebraic Bible, and the social contract of Enlightenment thought was designed according to the model of the Israelite portrayal of the covenant of God with His people. Out of this follows for Walzer the concept of an interpretive morality for the World of the present in general, ((A representative of interpretive morality is the Polish Jew Andrzei Szczypiorski. In the Beiligc Imprint of the FAZ [Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung] of 31.3.92, he claims that there are no criminal viewpoints, but only criminal acts, and everything is a question of interpretation. In particular, the Communist viewpoints are not criminal, but rather noble, because Communism represented equality and rejected national borders. Since, however, anything in any case should be a question of interpretation, it no longer even depends upon whether crimes were committed or not, but rather whether something can be interpreted as a crime. Conversely, a documented seven-victim murder is then in no way a crime, if the interpreter is of the opinion that it was a command of God for the taking of the Promised Land.)) and thus its Talmudization. Thus he represents the present spiritual condition of the Americanized world — the eternal interpretation of a restless migration — as a goal worth striving for; consequently, Walzer’s thinking is not critical but rather affirmative. Walzer’s trick of representing his thinking as still being communitarian/community-building, consists of giving out the liberal society of the West, and thus liberal totalitarianism itself, as a value of community-establishing power, which is to be passed on throygh constant interpretation of its Ahaveric history of migration. To grant recognition to such an interpretive theory of knowledge is to concede to the Talmudists an eternal victory in the battle of the World’s consciousness.
If the Communitarians as a whole are to be viewed as critics of the American condition, the Contractualists (e.g., Nozik, Rawls) are its open affirmers. Every absolute form of contractual thinking arrives at the ideal of the minimal state and ends with the problem of granting the pauperized masses, the swelling ranks of the social clients, a form of subsistence which consists not of food stamps but of payments of money, so that, beyond the illusion of money and the (minimalized) membership in the Consumer class, a contractualistic Ethic — thus an Ethic of free acquisition of goods, is at least formally upheld.
In America the idea of the class struggle has never really taken root, because the racial struggle for this enormous space remained viscerally understandable: against Indians, Negroes and non-European immigrants. Conversely, the racial struggle can be totally denied for dogmatic reasons (as was actually the case in the former Soviet Union), but will nevertheless break out again powerfully, for every historic concept of class struggle in the sense of social totalitarianism remains directed at the natural differences of human beings, in order to be able to set up distinctions between them. As possessers of products and thus as participants in middle-class society, they are not distinct, rather they resemble one another, for in the Market one product is like another and the insignificant magnitude of the value of the individual product is made up for by the quantity of products. The contest of the product-classes against one another is conducted over the maximization of the degree of value and therefore serves the determination of the actual exchange relationship and its norm, but cannot be achieved in the identical forms of exchange of goods, but only in their non-identical form of nature. One of these natural determinants of materials and events is Race, but also humanity, beauty, naturalness and pleasantness of the environment, the fostering of the Arts, durability, technical maturity, care of the needy or the humanization of the workplace. In World History, even class ideology has been repeatedly superceded by racial ideology.
The largest part of the US population was formed — entirely in contrast to the former Soviet Union population — out of the addition of individuals who, one after the other, passed through the filter of the immigration authorities of the large harbor cities. These individuals were uprooted and — this is the decisive factor — they had uprooted themselves by an act of will. In America they preferred, however, the neighborhood of immigrants of the same or related nationality, and thus they built more or less sharply delineated national ghettoes, which, however, did not have the power up till now, to develop an exclusive bond to that ground, or a home-tie. So long as the descendants of the former immigrants also live uprooted in America without a special genealogical or folk-defined relationship to the nation on which they settle, to a particular home which has the power to exclude the foreign, America retains the character of a land of immigration. In this sense, a land of immigration means permanent homelessness in the nation in which one lives and of which one is a citizen.
Only a nation of immigration was able to invent the formal nation-of-state, thus develop the abstruse notion that one becomes a fellow-countryman through an official act, through permission to settle in a territory. The corresponding notions in France of 1789 and the following years are an American import, via freemasonic dealers in ideas.
America treats society as a collection of groups; the State, however, as the sum of individual citizens. The American state is thus an institution of abstract, external right, which consists of citizens as bearers of human rights, and American society is the battlefield of group interests. Both are phenomena of a condition of pre-morals, which, at best, might bring it to morality. The possibility of existence of the USA remains intact, so long as the sharp separation of state and people can be kept up. Already a sovereign folk-state, Quebec, could bring the raison d’etre of the USA — according to which folk-groups can only ever be voluntary unions — into instability. The American state is a utopian power and the attempt to realize the immoral idea of the sovereignty of the state rising above the [various] peoples. The experiment of the USA can today already be viewed as having failed. The actual self-destruction of the US State requires, on the one hand, a stronger push than the disintegration of the USSR State, but on the other hand, in all probability will take a bloodier and more painful course because Liberalism, in distinction to its little radical brother, Bolshevism, has not even come to a seeming solution to the question of nationality.
The immigrant nation of the USA, which has imposed upon the World as doctrine its own conditions of origin, is the deadly enemy of all mature peoples, because its doctrine aims at nothing other than the death of every people as a people. To this purpose American legislation in the 19th century already declared, as a natural right of every human being on the Earth, the self-liberation from the fatherland, the de-nationalization of the immigrants landing in America: “Expatriation is a natural and inherent right of all people” (Act of Congress of July 27, 1868). This American strategy of annihilation against genuine peoples, conducted in the name of the democratized masses, has today reached the zenith of its aggresiveness: one European nation after another is redefined by Americanized World opinion as a nation of immigration. Under its omnipresent force, no European government dares to defend the jus sanguinis [right of blood] of those who belong to it; [Indeed, Germany's legal definition of a German as one born of German parents was abolished recently, with full promotion of its puppet-governemnt]instead, the politics of the American immigrationism is followed and without the demands for qualification of the actual nations of immigration. The result is the in-streaming of the inferiors of this World to Europe. This means nothing less than the declaration of a war of extermination against a people [genocide]:unconditional surrender for all real nations of the World, which still are not Americanized one-willnations.
The natural peoples of the World would be wise to take seriously the American death-threat. Like the faded power of the USSR, so too, the USA-Power first wanted World revolution, then the revolution in one nation (“Socialism in one land”) and finally its export into as many countries as possible, so that a socialistic, or, respectively, an immigrationistic World system might arise.