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05.07.2009

The Liberalist People’s Revolution

30.11.2008

Why Germany is Hostage to the Nuclear Powers

17.06.2008

Anti-Fascist Declaration

07.02.2007

A New Siegfried Line in the Battle Against Feminism

21.08.2006

Militant lesbians, feminists and other careerist gun molls of the FRG’s ideological system have recently won one of the last battles in a war they are going to lose: a news presenter of the broadcasting cooperation NDR who in books had expressed old truths about the role of woman, was pushed into quitting her employment – i.e. something correct – in order to defend the incorrect, the wage labour of mothers and wives. The struggle of the sexes and the struggle of the races are auxiliary fronts of class struggle. The ideological political apparatus of the Capitalist class drives women into the labour market in order to break the market power of the proletarian men. The importation of foreign and racially alien labour forces serves the same purpose. In order to understand that feminisation, foreignisation and enforced racial mixing are but weapons of the Capitalist class in its struggle against the proletarian class, one only needs to apply the law of supply and demand to the labour force market: the family wage of the proletarian family provider, and thus ethical life can no longer be sustained due to the oversupply of unmarried female and foreign labour on the domestic labour market. Extra-domestic female wage labour is at first a temporary expedient of the family and later becomes the bad habit of self-debasement. The men’s honour, which forbids them from sending their wives to foreign people to work becomes irrelevant and disappears. The matrimonial and family status is itself ousted by the unmarried status; the end is given with the status of wretchedness of the single mothers and now with the demographic catastrophe – the absolute pauperisation of the German People under Capitalist foreign rule. The childless woman currently chancellorising the FRG personifies in a special way the imminent death of the German People and the failed existence of woman in general, combined with a typical state-parasitical double wage of the regime’s functionary couples, which puffs itself up as emancipation. Feminism committed the first and fundamental betrayal of Dutschkism (i.e. the national revolutionary seizure of the word in 1968). Feminism was the mother of all West German counter-revolutions. For a national-revolutionary it is not classes, or races, or women who make revolutions, but the Peoples. “Revolutions are not made by a party, but by the whole People,” wrote Karl Marx (MEW 34, 514). After feminism had stabbed the ideals of the 1968 generation in the back and had severed the masculine virile aspect of the People as the historical and revolutionary subject, the social-democratic, Communist traditionalists again dared to rear their heads in the guise of the professional revolutionaries, or cadres, of the 1970s. The working class was again declared the revolutionary subject, even though it continued to dwindle. In the 1980s the Conservatives and Liberals took the initiative of the counter-revolutionary class struggle and surmounted themselves in the economic bubbles of the 1990s where capital began to comprehend itself as a permanent revolution and the business economist played the revolutionary in the role of the global omni-destroyer. The emancipatory, anti-racist and anti-national politics of capital now not only destroyed the natural ethical life of the families and the corporate ethical life of the civil societies, but also the actual ethical life of the states and nations. But the Dutschkistic strategy has been proven right. In late Capitalism the unemployment of the masses has become the principal social characteristic, for in addition to the state class, over 40 percent of the population in the FRG are currently living off the transfer system and thus belong to the anarchist class. Today, civil society is no longer mainly possession-civil (factors property and capital) and no longer qualification-civil (factor labour) but post-proletarian uncommanded, i.e. anarchic. The common feature of the post 1968 counter-revolutions was the division of the People – as subject of the revolution – into gender or classes. All strategies of the counter-revolution therefore always amount to a civil war, at least in the spheres of ideology and politics. West German feminism was the pacesetter which paved the way for the infiltration of Capitalism into the families in a particularly insidious fashion with its demand for paid housework, and thus hindered the procreation and natural rearing of uncountable numbers of children. It is not without reason that the epitome of man in its historically highest perfection is the human male. High cultures come into being only through the dominance of the man over woman and child, over kith and kin, clan and People. Cultural decay always goes hand in hand with an advance of matriarchy and a recession of patriarchy. In the animal kingdom matriarchies occur predominantly in the lower classes and become increasingly seldom with evolutionary progression. The relationship of gender and family does not belong to the indirect sphere of the state and civil society, but is direct, natural ethical life – the kingdom of paternal rule which is the foundation of all human circumstances derived from it. Here, the women have nevertheless more to say than the men, whose achievements for the fatherland are still appraised in the mother-tongue.